::纪念马丁-路德-金演说40周年：5大歧视让梦难圆::
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纪念马丁-路德-金演说40周年：5大歧视让梦难圆
（ 08:26:26）
来源：北京青年报
(来源：北京青年报)
　　马丁?路德?金关于种族平等的“我有一个梦想”演讲发表已满40年，可是―――　　5大“隐形歧视”让“梦”难圆
　　马丁?路德?金和“我有一个梦想”
　　马丁?路德?金()，美国黑人律师，著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕，三次被行刺，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”，为黑人争取自由平等和就业。马丁?路德?金在游行集会上发表了一篇著名演说，演说中他希望有一天能看到黑人和白人最终平等。
　　8月23日,数千美国民众聚集到华盛顿林肯纪念堂前纪念美国著名的黑人领袖马丁?路德?金发表“我有一个梦想”演说40周年。1963年的这一天,马丁?路德?金在这里发表了著名演说“我有一个梦想”。今天,故人已去,宣言犹在,马丁?路德?金关于“种族平等”的梦想是否已经实现？在这个颇能引起美国少数族裔共鸣的特殊日子里,美国的人权团体、主流媒体和政治家们纷纷站出来进行检讨,进行反思。
　　在马丁?路德?金发表演讲40年后的今天,黑人等少数族裔仍然是二等公民,在政治、经济、教育等问题上仍然受到不同程度的歧视。与40年前相比,最大的差别就在于“隐形歧视”。这些隐形歧视更让人觉得可怕。美国《纽约时报》等主流媒体对这种看不见摸不着但却真实存在的隐形歧视进行了归类分析。
　　第一种隐形歧视：“政治有色镜”
　　美国现任国务卿鲍威尔在第一次海湾战争结束后曾是呼声甚高的美国总统候选人之一,美国最有影响力的《新闻周刊》、《时代周刊》、《纽约时报》等主流媒体甚至将鲍威尔宣扬成美国的第一位黑人总统。然而,令政治分析家们大跌眼镜的是,就在总统候选人纷纷出场亮相的最后时刻,鲍威尔宣布退出角逐,理由是“夫人反对”!若干年后,有知情者透露说,鲍威尔夫人和他本人是出于对种族“政治有色眼镜”的担心才退出的。遭遇“政治有色眼镜”的不仅仅是黑人,华人在美国政坛上的坎坷路也是例证。“9?11”事件发生后,阿拉伯族裔的政治歧视又与日俱增。
　　第二种隐形歧视：“无形天花板”
　　在美国,有色人种升职比白人困难得多,重要职务和高级职务由有色人种担任的比例很低。当然不是没有,例如,布什团队中,国务卿鲍威尔和国家安全顾问赖斯都是黑皮肤。这几位凤毛麟角的人物就成了美国证明自己没有种族歧视的“证据”。但是,美国各级政府和各界领袖人物绝大多数是白人,美国的政治、经济、军事、文化等各个领域的大权,都掌握在白人手里,这是无法否认的事实。
　　第三种隐形歧视：校园种族歧视
　　美国校园暴力是举世闻名的,殊不知校园种族歧视也很严重。华人新移民的孩子,在校园里几乎没有不被欺侮过的。原因有:华人小孩个头小,体力弱,容易受欺侮;华人家庭自幼教育孩子谦虚忍让,听话、守规矩,不属于“好勇斗狠”的类型;华人学生品学兼优的不少,他们常常得到老师当众表扬,因而被“嫉恨”。
　　第四种隐形歧视：警察和司法部门执法中的种族偏见
　　在美国,被关押在监狱里的黑人和被判死刑的黑人比例明显高于白人。在各州的监狱中,大约47%的囚犯为黑人,16%的囚犯为拉美裔。据联合国发表的一份调查报告称,在美国,犯有同样的罪,黑人及有色人种往往受到比白人重2至3倍的惩罚,杀害白人被判死刑的黑人是杀害黑人被判死刑的白人的4倍。
　　近年来,美国种族歧视引发的大规模社会冲突时有发生:1992年，白人警察殴打黑人司机罗德尼?金引发了洛杉矶大规模的种族冲突,造成了59人死亡,2300人受伤;1996年10月,美国佛罗里达州一名白人警察杀死一名黑人司机,当地发生暴乱,致使15人受伤;1999年2月,黑人迪亚洛在纽约被4名白人警官连击41枪当场死亡,但杀人者竟然被判无罪,数以十万计的黑人群众举行了声势浩大的抗议活动;2001年4月,美国辛辛那提市一名黑人青年因为违反了交规即被白人警察开枪射杀,结果引发了大规模的种族暴力冲突;日晚,美国密歇根州的本顿城,一名黑人摩托车手因遭警察追堵发生交通意外死亡，这起事件引起了本顿城的暴乱,结果逼得美国密歇根州不得不调派大批警察进行镇压,并且实施宵禁。
　　第五种隐形歧视：日常生活中的种族歧视
　　芝加哥大学商学院和麻省理工大学教授联合完成的一项研究发现,如果求职简历上的名字听起来像是白人,那么得到雇主响应机会比一个有黑人名字但资历相同的人高50%。
　　针对《波士顿环球报》和《芝加哥论坛报》的招聘广告,教授们共发出了5000多份求职简历。他们发现他们“创造”的“白人”平均每发出10份求职简历就能够收到一个响应―――要么是电话,要么是信函或者电子邮件;而条件相同的“黑人”申请者每15份履历才得到一个响应。研究者表示,之所以出现这一结果,是因为姓名先入为主留给雇主的印象。教授们在分析了大量出生证后,给简历中的“白人”起的名字包括尼尔、布莱特、艾米莉、安妮和吉尔,黑人名字则包括塔米卡、艾伯尼、拉史德、艾沙等等。
　　研究发现,那些声称雇员机会平等的公司仍然对黑人求职者另眼相看。支持增加企业种族多元化的芝加哥联盟负责人诺斯特姆表示,研究说明有关方面有必要对雇主进行教育。她说:“我们希望雇主种族歧视的情况已经有所改善,但是情况并非如此。”更令人感慨的是,就以租房子为例,如果电话里的声音听起来“像是白人”的话,那么租房子的成功率就要高得多!-本版撰文/于冬
　　梦想尚未实现
　　大家仍需努力
　　8月23日的纪念活动由美国的100个人权和民权组织举行。在40周年纪念活动正式开始前，参加纪念集会的人们为了躲避华盛顿炙热的阳光和林肯纪念堂前水泥地面的高温，纷纷钻进了十来顶预先支起来的白色帐篷。帐篷里不同的人权组织和民权团体分小组分领域跟前来参加集会的人们热烈地讨论着美国少数族裔的教育权利平等、经济平等、工作平等、投票平等和权利分享。活动组织者―――100个人权组织和民权团体不失时机地利用这次集会启动了美国大选投票动员运动关注权利分享，参与公平政治本来就是马丁?路德?金的梦想之一。
　　纪念活动以100个团体的负责人、马丁?路德?金的儿子、马丁?路德?金的遗孀和形形色色的政客们的演讲拉开了序幕：马丁?路德?金的儿子马丁?卢瑟?路德金三世在他父亲40年前发表演讲的同一地点、同一个演讲台上令人震撼地说：“当年的梦想仍未实现，还需大家更加努力！”让今年纪念活动的组织者倍加感慨，也备感压力的是，参加马丁?路德?金纪念活动的美国年轻人一年比一年少。组织者们在这次纪念活动开始之前曾经跟许多年轻人联络过，但却遭到了多数年轻人的冷遇。下图为印有马丁?路德?金画像的旗帜在纪念仪式上飘扬。
　　遇害35年谜团仍未解
　　马丁?路德?金遇刺的几个版本
　　马丁?路德?金是日在孟菲斯一家叫洛兰的汽车旅馆里被暗杀的。然而，和种族歧视现象仍然存在一样，马丁?路德?金遇害之谜迄今仍然迷雾重重。主要有这几种说法：
　　-詹姆斯?雷开枪：
　　在暗杀现场，警察逮捕了詹姆斯?雷。1969年，雷被判99年监禁，他本人对杀害金一事供认不讳。然而，马丁?路德?金的家人对法院仓促判决非常不满，他们认为杀害马丁?路德?金的不会只是一个凶手。不出所料，雷在判决生效后三天便翻供，称自己是清白的，但法院却对他的翻供根本不理会。在接下来的29年监禁里，雷先后8次申诉，但都被驳回。
　　-为钱谋杀路德?金：
　　1977年，美国众议院一个委员会在经过缜密的调查后提出，杀害马丁?路德?金不可能是一人所为，雷的两个胞弟可能是同谋，动机是金钱，主要是希望能从圣路易斯的白人至上主义者那里获得报酬。不过，这一说法没有被美国政府采纳。
　　-餐馆小老板10万美元买凶杀人：
　　1993年，孟菲斯一家餐馆的退休老板劳埃德?乔尔斯突然在电视上承认，他是金案的主谋，说有人给他10万美元暗杀金。他详细描述了金遇刺当天，他挑一个射击角度好的房间，并且让一名警官刺杀金。
　　-美国黑手党、联邦调查局、中情局和军方阴谋：
　　1995年，一个名叫佩珀的美国人花了近20年时间，悄悄对金案进行调查。首次提出了暗杀阴谋，涉及此案的有黑手党、联邦调查局、中情局以及军方人士。
　　-陪审团的大阴谋论：
　　1999年，美国一个陪审团认为，1968年遇刺的黑人民权领袖马丁?路德?金的死，是多种势力的惊天刺杀阴谋，不是由枪手单独策划。陪审员默菲说，他相信该刺杀案过于复杂，极难由一个人作案。他说：“我们大家都认为这是有预谋的案件。据佩珀提供的证据，许多人都涉及这宗案子，包括中情局和军方的每个人都卷入此案。”
　　-美国牧师提出的暗杀论：
　　2002年4月，美国佛罗里达一名牧师对《纽约时报》记者透露，自己父亲就是杀害马丁?路德?金的直接罪魁。这位牧师名叫威尔逊。他介绍说：“我父亲亨利是一个三人小组的头目，而1968年正是该小组枪杀了马丁?路德?金。”亨利虽然不是种族主义者，但他认为马丁?路德?金与共产主义有联系，因此必须要将其除掉。事后，美国联邦调查局发言人称，“我们不会忽视如此重要的线索”。北京青年报/雅芳
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作文素材：马丁·路德·金的演讲稿 我有一个梦想
15:58　　来源：　　作者：佚名　　
　　小编导语：这是一篇关于马丁·路德·金的著名的演讲稿：我有一个梦想的英文原文和中文翻译，《我有一个梦想》（I have a dream）是马丁·路德·金于日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲，内容主要关于黑人民族平等。对美国甚至世界影响很大，被我国编入中学教程。更多关于我有一个梦想的作文素材尽在巨人作文网。　　英文原文　　I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation。　　Five score years ago， a great American， in whose symbolic shadow we stand today， signed the Emancipation Proclamation。 This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice。 It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity。　　But one hundred years later， the Negro still is not free。 One hundred years later， the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination。 One hundred years later， the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity。 One hundred years later， the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land。 And so we‘ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition。　　In a sense we’ve come to our nation‘s capital to cash a check。 When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence， they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir。 This note was a promise that all men， yes， black men as well as white men， would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life， Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness。” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note， insofar as her citizens of color are concerned。 Instead of honoring this sacred obligation， America has given the Negro people a bad check， a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds。”　　But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt。 We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation。 And so， we’ve come to cash this check， a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice。　　We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now。 This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism。 Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy。 Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice。 Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood。 Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God‘s children。　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment。 This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality。 Nineteen sixty-three is not an end， but a beginning。 And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual。 And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights。 The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges。　　But there is something that I must say to my people， who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice： In the process of gaining our rightful place， we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds。 Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred。 We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline。 We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence。 Again and again， we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force。　　The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people， for many of our white brothers， as evidenced by their presence here today， have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny。 And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom。　　We cannot walk alone。　　And as we walk， we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead。　　We cannot turn back。　　There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights， “When will you be satisfied？” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality。 We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies， heavy with the fatigue of travel， cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities。 We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro‘s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one。 We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for whites only。” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote。 No， no， we are not satisfied， and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters， and righteousness like a mighty stream。”　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations。 Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells。 And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality。 You have been the veterans of creative suffering。 Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive。 Go back to Mississippi， go back to Alabama， go back to South Carolina， go back to Georgia， go back to Louisiana， go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities， knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed。　　Let us not wallow in the valley of despair， I say to you today， my friends。　　And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow， I still have a dream。 It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream。　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed： “We hold these truths to be self-evident， that all men are created equal。”　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia， the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood。　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi， a state sweltering with the heat of injustice， sweltering with the heat of oppression， will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice。　　I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character。　　I have a dream today！　　I have a dream that one day， down in Alabama， with its vicious racists， with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers。　　I have a dream today！　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted， and every hill and mountain shall be made low， the rough places will be made plain， and the crooked places will be made straight； “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together。”？　　This is our hope， and this is the faith that I go back to the South with。　　With this faith， we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope。 With this faith， we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood。 With this faith， we will be able to work together， to pray together， to struggle together， to go to jail together， to stand up for freedom together， knowing that we will be free one day。　　And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning：　　My country ‘tis of thee， sweet land of liberty， of thee I sing。　　Land where my fathers died， land of the Pilgrim’s pride，　　From every mountainside， let freedom ring！　　And if America is to be a great nation， this must become true。　　And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire。　　Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York。　　Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of　　Pennsylvania。　　Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado。　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California。　　But not only that。　　Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia。　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee。　　Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi。　　From every mountainside， let freedom ring。　　And when this happens， when we allow freedom ring， when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet， from every state and every city， we will be able to speed up that day when all of God‘s children， black men and white men， Jews and Gentiles， Protestants and Catholics， will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual：　　Free at last！ Free at last！　　Thank God Almighty， we are free at last！
关于梦想的作文
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下载文档:马丁路德金_我有一个梦想(中英文)演讲稿.DOCI HAVE A DREAM （马丁路德金演讲稿 中英文）
性感美女海边嬉戏谢国忠：中国需要何种PE小居室变大空间的11种方案芙蓉国：毛泽东对孔子为何早期崇拜晚年批判（图）？中国“特种部队”-“386199部队”印度总理用汉语骂人 惨遭仪仗队员暴打(图)红尘恬淡，静守一段情！※shlgp&服装板师交流的空间※信用卡透支六大绝招美媒称中国想有效对抗F-22需花费3000亿美元张维迎：腐败问题不解决可能亡党但不会亡国[伊斯坦堡]感受国际机场美观而人性化的服务设置（组图）《荒漠甘泉》12月22日《爱神来了》圣诞节剧照 钟汉良表白王子文房地产商的“暴利”揭秘那天没有去送你奇方治愈小儿和大人咳嗽（支气管炎）人体世界
（ BBC人体科学珍藏系列）
Martin Luther King, Jr.
August 28, 1963
I am happy to join with you today in what will go
down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the
history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we
stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous
decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro
slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.
It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their
captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One
hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled
by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.
One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of
poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One
hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners
of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And
so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.
When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of
the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were
signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as
white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that
America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her
citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred
obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check
which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We
refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great
vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we have come to cash
this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of
freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the
fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of
cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is
the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to
rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit
path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the
quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the
moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent
will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and
equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those
who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be
content will have a rude awakening if
the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest
nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his
citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake
the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on
the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the
process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of
wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom
by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever
conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.
We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical
violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of
meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community
must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our
white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have
come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And
they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound
to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march
ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the
devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can
never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the
unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied
as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot
gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the
cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi
cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for
which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be
satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness
like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great
trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow
jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for
freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and
staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the
veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith
that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go
back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go
back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern
cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be
changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you
today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of
today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply
rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out
the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be
self-evident that all men are created equal.
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of
former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to
sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state
sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of
oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a
nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but
by the content of their character. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious
racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words
of interpositi one day right down in Alabama
little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with
little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a
dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and
every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be
made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the
glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it
This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the
South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the
mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be
able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a
beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able
to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to
jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we
will be free one day. And this will be the day, this will be the
day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new
meaning, "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I
sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from
every mountainside, let freedom ring!" And if America is to be a
great nation, this must become true.
-----------------------------
马丁·路德·金（公元年），美国黑人律师，著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕，三次被行刺，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年
被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”，为黑人争取自由平等和就业。马
丁·路德·金在游行集会上发表了这篇著名演说。
马丁路德金的(I have a
dream)(我有一个梦想)演讲稿
今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。
100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫
困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。
然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支
票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正
义的保障。
我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出
幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真
正享有公正的时候。
忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。
如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。
我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。席卷黑
人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自
由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的
警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围
只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西
比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。
我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你
们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安
那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。
朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。
我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”
我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。
我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。
我今天怀有一个梦。
我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。
我今天怀有一个梦。
我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信
念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一
同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。
到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：
我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！
让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！
让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！
让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！
让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！
不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！
让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！
让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！
让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！
当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和
非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”
超大宽屏 竹林深处华丽少妇积累人脉的20条人际交往原则为人处世十要三不要中国性史图鉴(彩图版)老爷们看完别哭``什么是老婆``记录中国最早的一批彩色照片（组图）最适合结婚用的歌曲中国第29次南极科考队新建站选址工作正式开始
适度的输，适度的包容和退让，就可以“让敌人变成朋友”！　　　　有一位女基督徒说，她虽然信主，但她很恨她大姐，彼此看不顺眼。从小，她们打打闹闹，也常相互抓对方的头发
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国内最美的五大乡村 久居喧嚣的城市有种厌倦感，就找一个美丽的乡村住几天，体验一下乡村带来的纯朴气息，感受浓情的风土人情，吃着农家饭，感受当地文化带来的新奇，看人，看
漫画《水浒一百单八将》【上】
制作方法及功效：黑豆煮成七八成熟，然后捞出来用醋泡，大概的比列是10斤黑豆2斤醋，泡一个星期后即可食用，在吃晚饭前吃个20多粒，当零食吃就可以。
黑豆泡醋功效:养肾}